New Christians

   Term applied to Portuguese of Jewish descent who had been converted to Christianity after the 1496 expulsion of Jews law of King Manuel I. Jews had settled in Portugal since the early years of the monarchy, and by the late 15th century, a significant minority of Jews was dominant in agriculture, medicine, crafts, finance, and government. Part of King Manuel's marriage contract with a Spanish princess decreed the expulsion of Jews in Portugal, following what had occurred in Spain in 1492. Those persons who had converted to Christianity after the 1496 expulsion law in order to avoid having to leave Portugal were termed "New Christians" (Cristãos-Novos) to distinguish them from "Old Christians," the remainder of the Christian population. For centuries thereafter, New Christians suffered persecution and discrimination in Portugal, both at the hands of the Inquisition (after 1536) and from other sectors of society. It was not until the laws passed by the Marquis de Pombal regime in the 1770s that official discrimination in holding public office in Portugal was ended in the case of the New Christians. Some New Christians only formally adopted Catholicism and as "Crypto-Jews" practiced corrupted forms of Judaic belief in remote provincial towns such as Belmonte, in Beira Alta province. Such practices continued into the 20th century

    See also Converso; Marrano.

Религия: Библия

Религия: "Соборное послание св. апостола Иакова"

Религия: Первое, Второе или Третье соборное послание св. апостола Иоанна Богослова

Религия: "Соборное послание св. апостола Иуды"

Религия: "Первое соборное послание св. апостола Петра" или "Второе соборное послание св. апостола Петра"

Религия: "Откровение св. Иоанна Богослова"

Религия: патристика

(1469-1521)

   King Manuel I, named "The Fortunate" in Portuguese tradition, ruled from 1495 to 1521, the zenith of Portugal's world power and imperial strength. Manuel was the 14th king of Portugal and the ninth son of Infante Dom Fernando and Dona Brites, as well as the adopted son of King João II (r. 1481-95). Manuel ascended the throne when the royal heir, Dom Afonso, the victim of a riding accident, suddenly died. Manuel's three marriages provide a map of the royal and international history of the era. His first marriage (1497) was to the widow of Dom Afonso, son of King João II, late heir to the throne. The second (1500) was to the Infanta Dona Maria of Castile, and the third marriage (1518) was to Dona Leonor, sister of King Carlos V (Hapsburg emperor and king of Spain).

   Manuel's reign featured several important developments in government, such as the centralization of state power and royal absolutism; overseas expansion, namely the decision in 1495 to continue on from Africa to Asia and the building of an Asian maritime trade empire; and innovation and creativity in culture, with the emergence of the Manueline architectural style and the writings of Gil Vicente and others. There was also an impact on population and demography with the expulsion or forcible conversion of the Jews. In 1496, King Manuel I approved a decree that forced all Jews who would not become baptized as Christians to leave the country within 10 months. The Jews had been expelled from Spain in 1492. The economic impact on Portugal in coming decades or even centuries is debatable, but it is clear that a significant number of Jews converted and remained in Portugal, becoming part of the Portuguese establishment.

   King Manuel's decision in 1495, backed by a royal council and by the Cortes called that year, to continue the quest for Asia by means of seeking an all-water route from Portugal around Africa to India was momentous. Sponsorship of Vasco da Gama's first great voyage (1497-99) to India was the beginning of an era of unprecedented imperial wealth, power, and excitement. It became the official goal to create a maritime monopoly of the Asian spice trade and keep it in Portugal's hands. When Pedro Álvares Cabral's voyage from Lisbon to India was dispatched in 1500, its route was deliberately planned to swing southwest into the Atlantic, thus sighting "The Land of the Holy Cross," or Brazil, which soon became a Portuguese colony. Under King Manuel, the foundations were laid for Portugal's Brazilian and Asian empire, from Calicut to the Moluccas. Described by France's King Francis I as the "Grocer King," with his command of the mighty spice trade, King Manuel approved of a fitting monument to the new empire: the building of the magnificent Jerónimos Monastery where, after his death in 1521, both Manuel and Vasco da Gama were laid to rest.

    See also New Christians.

(1415-1975)

   Portugal was the first Western European state to establish an early modern overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean and perhaps the last colonial power to decolonize. A vast subject of complexity that is full of myth as well as debatable theories, the history of the Portuguese overseas empire involves the story of more than one empire, the question of imperial motives, the nature of Portuguese rule, and the results and consequences of empire, including the impact on subject peoples as well as on the mother country and its society, Here, only the briefest account of a few such issues can be attempted.

   There were various empires or phases of empire after the capture of the Moroccan city of Ceuta in 1415. There were at least three Portuguese empires in history: the First empire (1415-1580), the Second empire (1580-1640 and 1640-1822), and the Third empire (1822-1975).

   With regard to the second empire, the so-called Phillipine period (1580-1640), when Portugal's empire was under Spanish domination, could almost be counted as a separate era. During that period, Portugal lost important parts of its Asian holdings to England and also sections of its colonies of Brazil, Angola, and West Africa to Holland's conquests. These various empires could be characterized by the geography of where Lisbon invested its greatest efforts and resources to develop territories and ward off enemies.

   The first empire (1415-1580) had two phases. First came the African coastal phase (1415-97), when the Portuguese sought a foothold in various Moroccan cities but then explored the African coast from Morocco to past the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. While colonization and sugar farming were pursued in the Atlantic islands, as well as in the islands in the Gulf of Guinea like São Tomé and Príncipe, for the most part the Portuguese strategy was to avoid commitments to defending or peopling lands on the African continent. Rather, Lisbon sought a seaborne trade empire, in which the Portuguese could profit from exploiting trade and resources (such as gold) along the coasts and continue exploring southward to seek a sea route to Portuguese India. The second phase of the first empire (1498-1580) began with the discovery of the sea route to Asia, thanks to Vasco da Gama's first voyage in 1497-99, and the capture of strong points, ports, and trading posts in order to enforce a trade monopoly between Asia and Europe. This Asian phase produced the greatest revenues of empire Portugal had garnered, yet ended when Spain conquered Portugal and commanded her empire as of 1580.

   Portugal's second overseas empire began with Spanish domination and ran to 1822, when Brazil won her independence from Portugal. This phase was characterized largely by Brazilian dominance of imperial commitment, wealth in minerals and other raw materials from Brazil, and the loss of a significant portion of her African and Asian coastal empire to Holland and Great Britain. A sketch of Portugal's imperial losses either to native rebellions or to imperial rivals like Britain and Holland follows:

   • Morocco (North Africa) (sample only)

   Arzila—Taken in 1471; evacuated in 1550s; lost to Spain in 1580, which returned city to a sultan.

   Ceuta—Taken in 1415; lost to Spain in 1640 (loss confirmed in 1668 treaty with Spain).

   • Tangiers—Taken in 15th century; handed over to England in 1661 as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to King Charles II.

   • West Africa

   • Fort/Castle of São Jorge da Mina, Gold Coast (in what is now Ghana)—Taken in 1480s; lost to Holland in 1630s.

   • Middle East

   Socotra-isle—Conquered in 1507; fort abandoned in 1511; used as water resupply stop for India fleet.

   Muscat—Conquered in 1501; lost to Persians in 1650.

   Ormuz—Taken, 1505-15 under Albuquerque; lost to England, which gave it to Persia in the 17th century.

   Aden (entry to Red Sea) — Unsuccessfully attacked by Portugal (1513-30); taken by Turks in 1538.

   • India

   • Ceylon (Sri Lanka)—Taken by 1516; lost to Dutch after 1600.

   • Bombay—Taken in 16th century; given to England in 1661 treaty as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry for Charles II.

   • East Indies

   • Moluccas—Taken by 1520; possession confirmed in 1529 Saragossa treaty with Spain; lost to Dutch after 1600; only East Timor remaining.

   After the restoration of Portuguese independence from Spain in 1640, Portugal proceeded to revive and strengthen the Anglo- Portuguese Alliance, with international aid to fight off further Spanish threats to Portugal and drive the Dutch invaders out of Brazil and Angola. While Portugal lost its foothold in West Africa at Mina to the Dutch, dominion in Angola was consolidated. The most vital part of the imperial economy was a triangular trade: slaves from West Africa and from the coasts of Congo and Angola were shipped to plantations in Brazil; raw materials (sugar, tobacco, gold, diamonds, dyes) were sent to Lisbon; Lisbon shipped Brazil colonists and hardware. Part of Portugal's War of Restoration against Spain (1640-68) and its reclaiming of Brazil and Angola from Dutch intrusions was financed by the New Christians (Jews converted to Christianity after the 1496 Manueline order of expulsion of Jews) who lived in Portugal, Holland and other low countries, France, and Brazil. If the first empire was mainly an African coastal and Asian empire, the second empire was primarily a Brazilian empire.

   Portugal's third overseas empire began upon the traumatic independence of Brazil, the keystone of the Lusitanian enterprise, in 1822. The loss of Brazil greatly weakened Portugal both as a European power and as an imperial state, for the scattered remainder of largely coastal, poor, and uncolonized territories that stretched from the bulge of West Africa to East Timor in the East Indies and Macau in south China were more of a financial liability than an asset. Only two small territories balanced their budgets occasionally or made profits: the cocoa islands of São Tomé and Príncipe in the Gulf of Guinea and tiny Macau, which lost much of its advantage as an entrepot between the West and the East when the British annexed neighboring Hong Kong in 1842. The others were largely burdens on the treasury. The African colonies were strapped by a chronic economic problem: at a time when the slave trade and then slavery were being abolished under pressures from Britain and other Western powers, the economies of Guinea- Bissau, São Tomé/Príncipe, Angola, and Mozambique were totally dependent on revenues from the slave trade and slavery. During the course of the 19th century, Lisbon began a program to reform colonial administration in a newly rejuvenated African empire, where most of the imperial efforts were expended, by means of replacing the slave trade and slavery, with legitimate economic activities.

   Portugal participated in its own early version of the "Scramble" for Africa's interior during 1850-69, but discovered that the costs of imperial expansion were too high to allow effective occupation of the hinterlands. After 1875, Portugal participated in the international "Scramble for Africa" and consolidated its holdings in west and southern Africa, despite the failure of the contra-costa (to the opposite coast) plan, which sought to link up the interiors of Angola and Mozambique with a corridor in central Africa. Portugal's expansion into what is now Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe (eastern section) in 1885-90 was thwarted by its oldest ally, Britain, under pressure from interest groups in South Africa, Scotland, and England. All things considered, Portugal's colonizing resources and energies were overwhelmed by the African empire it possessed after the frontier-marking treaties of 1891-1906. Lisbon could barely administer the massive area of five African colonies, whose total area comprised about 8 percent of the area of the colossal continent. The African territories alone were many times the size of tiny Portugal and, as of 1914, Portugal was the third colonial power in terms of size of area possessed in the world.

   The politics of Portugal's empire were deceptive. Lisbon remained obsessed with the fear that rival colonial powers, especially Germany and Britain, would undermine and then dismantle her African empire. This fear endured well into World War II. In developing and keeping her potentially rich African territories (especially mineral-rich Angola and strategically located Mozambique), however, the race against time was with herself and her subject peoples. Two major problems, both chronic, prevented Portugal from effective colonization (i.e., settling) and development of her African empire: the economic weakness and underdevelopment of the mother country and the fact that the bulk of Portuguese emigration after 1822 went to Brazil, Venezuela, the United States, and France, not to the colonies. These factors made it difficult to consolidate imperial control until it was too late; that is, until local African nationalist movements had organized and taken the field in insurgency wars that began in three of the colonies during the years 1961-64.

   Portugal's belated effort to revitalize control and to develop, in the truest sense of the word, Angola and Mozambique after 1961 had to be set against contemporary events in Europe, Africa, and Asia. While Portugal held on to a backward empire, other European countries like Britain, France, and Belgium were rapidly decolonizing their empires. Portugal's failure or unwillingness to divert the large streams of emigrants to her empire after 1850 remained a constant factor in this question. Prophetic were the words of the 19th-century economist Joaquim Oliveira Martins, who wrote in 1880 that Brazil was a better colony for Portugal than Africa and that the best colony of all would have been Portugal itself. As of the day of the Revolution of 25 April 1974, which sparked the final process of decolonization of the remainder of Portugal's third overseas empire, the results of the colonization program could be seen to be modest compared to the numbers of Portuguese emigrants outside the empire. Moreover, within a year, of some 600,000 Portuguese residing permanently in Angola and Mozambique, all but a few thousand had fled to South Africa or returned to Portugal.

   In 1974 and 1975, most of the Portuguese empire was decolonized or, in the case of East Timor, invaded and annexed by a foreign power before it could consolidate its independence. Only historic Macau, scheduled for transfer to the People's Republic of China in 1999, remained nominally under Portuguese control as a kind of footnote to imperial history. If Portugal now lacked a conventional overseas empire and was occupied with the challenges of integration in the European Union (EU), Lisbon retained another sort of informal dependency that was a new kind of empire: the empire of her scattered overseas Portuguese communities from North America to South America. Their numbers were at least six times greater than that of the last settlers of the third empire.

    See also Luso-Tropicalism; Rose-colored map; Ultimatum, English.

   Word meaning approximately the same as converso, or Jew, who converted to Christianity, or New Christian. The origin of this term is obscure. Marrano in the Spanish language means "pig," but some scholars claim that the word comes from the Arabic and various meanings have been given to it. In older Portuguese-English dictionaries, marrano means "cursed, excommunicated, filthy." After the 1496 expulsion of those Jews who refused to convert to Christianity, certain Marranos adopted Catholicism only formally and secretly practiced a form of Judaism. Small numbers of "Crypto-Jews" or "Secret Jews" carried on such practices in remote provincial towns of Portugal, including Belmonte, Beira Alta, into the 20th century.

    See also Converso; Manuel I, king, New Christians.

(1608-1697)

   A talented and influential individual, and one of the greatest speakers and prose writers of early modern Portugal, Vieira was a Jesuit priest, writer, missionary, advisor to kings, and diplomatic negotiator. At age eight, he went to Brazil and was educated there in a Jesuit College. Like Francisco Manuel de Melo, his Jesuit-educated contemporary, Vieira participated in the great crises and conflicts of his day, including the ongoing war between the Inquisition and Portugal's New Christians, the loss and partial recovery of parts of Portugal's still extensive overseas empire, the rise to the Portuguese throne of the Braganza dynasty, the restoration of Portugal's independence from Spain in 1640, and the subsequent struggle to retain that independence under adverse circumstances.

   One of Father Vieira's major efforts was his campaign to have the Portuguese Inquisition relax its policy of confiscation of New Christian capital and property and to convince converted Jews in Portugal and Portuguese Jews in exile to provide capital in Portugal's efforts to reinforce its defenses against many threatened Spanish invasions during 1640-68, when Spain finally officially recognized Portugal's independence in a treaty. Such monies were also employed in defending Portugal's overseas empire and helping to drive out enemies who had occupied portions of Portugal's dominions abroad.

   Father Vieira spent a large part of his career in Brazil as a Jesuit missionary and administrator and was famous for defending the freedom and rights of Amerindians against settlers. A great sermonizer who possessed a strong messianic belief and grounding in the prophecies of the Old Testament, Vieira became an influential advisor to the Portuguese kings, as well as a diplomat assigned important tasks abroad. Vieira preached sermons in which he proclaimed that the awaited messiah who would restore Portugal to world power status in the future was not King Sebastião I, who died in 1578 in battle against the Muslims in Morocco, but King João IV, an assertion that lost some credibility following the king's death in 1656.

   Among Father Vieira's prolific writings, his most noted are his collected sermons in 15 volumes, Letras, his História do Futuro, and his famous defense against accusations when on trial before the Portuguese Inquisition, the Defesa perante o Tribunal do Santo Ofício.

   Known also as the Holy Office of the Inquisition, Portugal's Inquisition was established in 1536 under King João III and was finally abolished only in 1821. The initial motives for establishing this institution were more political than religious; King João III saw it as an instrument to increase central power and royal control in Portugal. Permission for its foundation was granted by the papacy in Rome, but the Inquisition's judges and officers were appointed by the Portuguese king, not by the papacy. Seven years after its establishment, the Inquisition's first victims were burned at the stake in Évora. Eventually, the Holy Office of the Inquisition became a kind of state within a state, with its own bureaucracy, censors who acted as a "thought police" over the faithful as well as over heretics or dissidents, and police who maintained their own prisons. The period of this infamous institution's greatest power to persecute, prosecute, and execute heretics was during the 16th and 17th centuries. During the administration of the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77), the Inquisition's power was curtailed. By 1821, when it was abolished by reformist governments, the Inquisition no longer had much significance.

   For centuries, however, the Inquisition generated fear and was able to amass wealth, goods, and property confiscated from victims. In the history of Portuguese politics and culture, the Inquisition has symbolized cruel oppression, the spirit of discrimination, and religious persecution of heretics and minorities, including Jews who were often forcibly converted. It created an era of censorship of intellectual activity, injustice, bigotry, racism, and anti-Semitism, and raised questions about the role and power of the Catholic Church in society and the relationship between the Church and state. Some opponents of the Estado Novo quite justifiably compared the Inquisition's control of free thought and action with that of the Estado Novo in its day.

    See also New Christians.

(1608-1666)

   One of Portugal's two greatest prose writers of the 17th century, along with Father An- tónio Vieira, and one of the greatest in both Spain and Portugal in early modern times. Noted as a prose writer for his clarity, wit, satire, and realism, Melo lived through the supreme dramas of his time: the final struggle between the Inquisition and the New Christians, the loss and also recovery of parts of Portugal's overseas empire, as well as the independence of Portugal from Spain in 1640, following 60 years of Castilian rule. Melo was born in Lisbon to a noble family of Spanish descent. His profession was soldiering and, later, diplomacy. After he participated in the restoration of Portugal's independence and in the triumph of the Braganza dynasty as the ruling royal family of Portugal, Melo was imprisoned and exiled to Brazil. He ended his life as a diplomat on important missions in London, Rome, and Paris.

   Educated by the Jesuits in a Lisbon school, Melo led the life of a man of action rather than that of a sedentary scribbler. His greatest works, some written in Castilian, some in Portuguese, gave him fame outside Portugal and well after his relatively brief life span. His História de los Movimientos y Separación de Cataluna (1645) is a classic, eyewitness account of the 1640 Catalan revolt against Castile. Among other works that mark the author's enduring accomplishment are his Cartas Familiares (1664); Apólogos Dialogaes, his short histories; Epanéforas (1649-59); and his internationally popular Carta de Guia de Casados (Guide Map for Married Persons), which was translated into English first in 1697 by Captain Stevens as The Government of a Wife and was a minor best-seller of the early modern age.

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

ὄνομα, ατος, τό (Hom.+).

① proper name of an entity, name

ⓐ gener. τῶν ἀποστόλων τὰ ὀνόματα ἐστιν ταῦτα Mt 10:2; cp. Rv 21:14. τῶν παρθένων τὰ ὀν. Hs 9, 15, 1. τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρός Lk 1:59. ὄν. μοι, sc. ἐστίν, my name is (Od. 9, 366) Mk 5:9b. τί ὄν. σοι; what is your name? vs. 9a; w. copula Lk 8:30.—The expressions ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν., οὗ τὸ ὄν., καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (αὐτῆς), ὄν. αὐτῷ (parenthetic) are almost always without the copula (B-D-F §128, 3; Rob. 395): ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν. (Sb 7573, 13 [116 A.D.]; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac.; Just., A I, 53, 8 ᾧ ὄν. Λώτ) Lk 1:26, 27a; 2:25; 8:41; 24:13, 18 v.l.; Ac 13:6.—οὗ τὸ ὄν. (without a verb as BGU 344, 1) Mk 14:32. Cp. ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐν βίβλῳ ζωῆς Phil 4:3 (ὧν τὰ ὀν. is a formula [Dssm., LO 95=LAE 121]. S. esp. BGU 432 II, 3 ὧν τὰ ὀν. τῷ βιβλιδίῳ δεδήλωται).—καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτῆς Lk 1:5b. καὶ τὸ ὄν. τῆς παρθένου Μαριάμ vs. 27b.—ὄν. αὐτῷ (Demosth. 32, 11 Ἀριστοφῶν ὄνομʼ αὐτῷ; Dionys. Hal. 8, 89, 4; Aelian, NA 8, 2 γυνὴ … Ἡρακληὶς ὄν. αὐτῇ; LXX) J 1:6; 3:1. ὁ καθήμενος ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ (i.e. τοῦ ἵππου), ὄν. αὐτῷ (ὁ) θάνατος Rv 6:8; cp. 9:11a.—W. the copula ἦν δὲ ὄν. τῷ δούλῳ Μάλχος J 18:10 (POxy 465, 12 ὁ δὲ κραταιὸς αὐτοῦ, ὄν. αὐτῷ ἐστιν Νεβύ, μηνύει; Jos., Ant. 19, 332). ἄγγελος …, οὗ τὸ ὄν. ἐστιν Θεγρί Hv 4, 2, 4.—The dat. is quite freq. ὀνόματι named, by name (X., Hell. 1, 6, 29 Σάμιος ὀνόματι Ἱππεύς; Tob 6:11 BA; 4 Macc 5:4; Just., D. 85, 6; 115, 3; B-D-F §160; 197; Rob. 487) ἄνθρωπον ὀν. Σίμωνα Mt 27:32; cp. Mk 5:22; Lk 1:5a; 5:27; 10:38; 16:20; 23:50; 24:18; Ac 5:1, 34; 8:9; 9:10–12, 33, 36; 10:1; 11:28; 12:13; 16:1, 14; 17:34; 18:2, 7, 24; 19:24; 20:9; 21:10; 27:1; 28:7; MPol 4. Also the acc. τοὔνομα (on the crasis s. B-D-F §18; Mlt-H. 63; FPreisigke, Griech. Urkunden des ägypt. Mus. zu Kairo [1911] 2, 6 γυνὴ Ταμοῦνις τοὔνομα; Diod S 2, 45, 4 πόλιν τοὔνομα Θ.; Lucian, Dial. Deor. 3; Philo, Leg. All. 1, 68; Jos., Ant. 7, 344, Vi. 382) named, by name (the acc. as X. et al., also 2 Macc 12:13; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac. υἱὸν ὄ. Δάν.—B-D-F §160; Rob. 487) Mt 27:57. (Cp. ὄν. gener. as ‘mode of expression’ εἰ καὶ διάφορα ὀνόματα ἐστιν, ἀλλʼ … οἰκείαν … δέχεται τὴν νόησιν although there are various ways of expressing it, it nevertheless has a definite sense Did., Gen. 86, 22 [of various metaphors and images for the soul].)

ⓑ used w. verbs

α. as their obj.: ὄν. ἔχειν Did., Gen. 29, 6 bear the name or as name, be named ὄν. ἔχει Ἀπολλύων Rv 9:11b (in this case the name Ἀ. stands independently in the nom.; B-D-F §143; Rob. 458). καλεῖν τὸ ὄν. τινος w. the name foll. in the acc. (after the Hb.; B-D-F §157, 2; Rob. 459) καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν you are to name him Jesus Mt 1:21; Lk 1:31.—Mt 1:25. καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰωάννην Lk 1:13. καλέσουσιν τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ Mt 1:23 (Is 7:14). διδόναι GJs 6:2. Pass. w. the name in the nom. (cp. GrBar 6:10 Φοῖνιξ καλεῖται τὸ ὄν. μου) ἐκλήθη τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦς Lk 2:21; cp. Rv 19:13. Also τὸ ὄν. τοῦ ἀστέρος λέγεται ὁ ῎ Αψινθος Rv 8:11.—ἐπιθεῖναι ὄν. τινι w. acc. of the name Mk 3:16f; cp. 12:8f; κληρονομεῖν ὄν. receive a name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2. κληροῦσθαι τὸ αὐτὸ ὄν. obtain the same name (s. κληρόω 2) MPol 6:2.—τὰ ὀν. ὑμῶν ἐγγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς Lk 10:20.—Rv 13:8; 17:8. ἐξαλείψω τὸ ὄν. αὐτῶν 1 Cl 53:3 (Dt 9:14); Rv 3:5a (perh. to be placed in 4 below); s. ἐξαλείφω.

β. in another way (εἰ δέ τις ὀνόματι καλέσει but if anyone is so named Hippol., Ref. 6, 20, 2): ὸ̔ς καλεῖται τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ who is so named Lk 1:61. ἀνὴρ ὀνόματι καλούμενος Ζακχαῖος a man whose name was Zacchaeus 19:2. καλεῖν τι (i.e. παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί τινος name someone after someone 1:59. Cp. IMg 10:1. This leads to

ⓒ used w. prepositions: ἐξ ὀνόματος (Ctesias, Ind. p. 105 M.: Diod S 13, 15, 1; 37, 15, 2; Appian, Mithrid. 59, §243, Bell. Civ. 3, 21 §77; 4, 73 §310; PGM 4, 2973; Jos., Ant. 2, 275) by name, individually, one by one (so that no one is lost in the crowd) ἐξ ὀν. πάντας ζήτει IPol 4:2. ἀσπάζομαι πάντας ἐξ ὀνόματος 8:2. πάντες ἐξ ὀν. συνέρχεσθε (parallel to κατʼ ἄνδρα) IEph 20:2.—κατʼ ὄν. by name, individually (Diod S 16, 44, 2; Gen 25:13; EpArist 247; Jos., Bell. 7, 14) J 10:3 (New Docs 3, 77f; animals called individually by name: Ps.-Aristot., Mirabil. 118.—HAlmqvist, Plut. u. das NT ’46, 74). Esp. in greetings (BGU 27, 18 [II A.D.] ἀσπάζομαι πάντας τοὺς φιλοῦντάς σε κατʼ ὄν.; POxy 1070, 46; pap in Dssm., LO 160/1, ln. 14f [LAE 193, ln. 15, note 21]; New Docs 3, 77f) 3J 15; ISm 13:2b. ῥάβδους ἐπιγεγραμμένας ἑκάστης φυλῆς κατʼ ὄν. staffs, each one inscribed with the name of a tribe 1 Cl 43:2b.

ⓓ used in combination with God and Jesus. On the significance of the Divine Name in history of religions s. FGiesebrecht, Die atl. Schätzung des Gottesnamens 1901; Bousset, Rel.³ 309ff; ADieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie 1903, 110ff; FConybeare, JQR 8, 1896; 9, 1897, esp. 9, 581ff; JBoehmer, Das bibl. ‘im Namen’ 1898, BFCT V 6, 1901, 49ff, Studierstube 2, 1904, 324ff; 388ff; 452ff; 516ff; 580ff; BJacob, Im Namen Gottes 1903;WHeitmüller, ‘Im Namen Jesu’ 1903; WBrandt, TT 25, 1891, 565ff; 26, 1892, 193ff; 38, 1904, 355ff; RHirzel, Der Name: ASG 36, 2, 1918; Schürer III⁴ 409–11; HObbink, De magische betekenis van den naam inzonderheid in het oude Egypte 1925; OGrether, Name u. Wort Gottes im AT ’34; HHuffman, Name: 1148–52.—The belief in the efficacy of the name is extremely old; its origin goes back to the most ancient times and the most primitive forms of intellectual and religious life. It has exhibited an extraordinary vitality. The period of our lit. also sees—within as well as without the new community of believers—in the name someth. real, a piece of the very nature of the personality whom it designates, expressing the person’s qualities and powers. Accordingly, names, esp. holy names, are revered and used in customary practices and ritual (σέβεσθαι θεῶν ὀνόματα Theoph. Ant., 1, 9 [p. 76, 7]), including magic. In Israelite tradition the greatest reverence was paid to the holy name of God and to its numerous paraphrases or substitutes; the names of angels and patriarchs occupied a secondary place. The syncretistic practices of the period revered the names of gods, daemons, and heroes, or even magic words that made no sense at all, but had a mysterious sound. The Judeo-Christians revere and use the name of God and, of course, the name of Jesus. On magic in Jewish circles, s. Schürer III 342–79; for the NT period in general s. MSmith, Clement of Alexandria and a Secret Gospel of Mark ’73, 195–230.—The names of God and Jesus

α. in combination w. attributes: διαφορώτερον ὄν. a more excellent name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2 (διάφορος 2). ἅγιον τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Lk 1:49 (cp. Ps 110:9; Lev 18:21; 22:2; PGM 3, 570; 627; 4, 1005; 3071; 5, 77; 13, 561 μέγα κ. ἅγιον). τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ 1 Cl 64; τὸ μέγα καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hv 4, 1, 3; 4, 2, 4 (on ἔνδοξον ὄν., cp. EPeterson, Εἷ θεός 1926, 282.—ὄν. μέγα κ. ἅγ. κ. ἔνδ.: PGM 13, 183f; 504f). τὸ μέγα καὶ θαυμαστὸν καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hs 9, 18, 5; τὸ πανάγιον καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. 1 Cl 58:1a; τοῦ παντοκράτορος καὶ ἐνδόξου ὄν. Hv 3, 3, 5; τὸ πανάρετον ὄν. 1 Cl 45:7; τῷ παντοκράτορι καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι 60:4; τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. 58:1b. τὸ ὄν. μου θαυμαστὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι D 14:3 (cp. Mal 1:14). The words ὄν. θεοπρεπέστατον IMg 1:2 are difficult to interpret (s. Hdb. ad loc.; θεοπρεπής b).

β. in combination w. verbs: ἁγιάζειν τὸ ὄν. Mt 6:9 (AFridrichsen, Helligt vorde dit naun: DTT 8, 1917, 1–16). Lk 11:2; D 8:2 (ἁγιάζω 3). βλασφημεῖν (q.v. bγ) τὸ ὄν. Rv 13:6; 16:9; pass. βλασφημεῖται τὸ ὄν. (Is 52:5) Ro 2:24; 2 Cl 13:1f, 4; ITr 8:2. βλασφημίας ἐπιφέρεσθαι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου bring blasphemy upon the name of the Lord 1 Cl 47:7. πφοσέθηκαν κατὰ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου βλασφημίαν Hs 6, 2, 3; βεβηλοῦν τὸ ὄν. 8, 6, 2 (s. βεβηλόω). ἀπαγγελῶ τὸ ὄν. τ. ἀδελφοῖς μου Hb 2:12 (cp. Ps 21:23). ὅπως διαγγελῇ τὸ ὄν. μου ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ Ro 9:17 (Ex 9:16). δοξάζειν τὸ ὄν. (σου, τοῦ κυρίου, τοῦ θεοῦ etc.) Rv 15:4; 1 Cl 43:6; IPhld 10:1; Hv 2, 1, 2; 3, 4, 3; 4, 1, 3; Hs 9, 18, 5 (s. δοξάζω 1; cp. GJs 7:2; 12:1[w. ref. to name of Mary]). ὅπως ἐνδοξασθῇ τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ 2 Th 1:12. ἐλπίζειν τῷ ὀν. Mt 12:21 (vv.ll. ἐν or ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.; the pass. on which it is based, Is 42:4, has ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.). ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου (as PsSol 6:1) or αὐτοῦ, σου etc. (w. ref. to God or Christ) call on the name of the Lord Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); 9:14, 21; 22:16; Ro 10:13 (Jo 3:5); 1 Cor 1:2. ψυχὴ ἐπικεκλημένη τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ a person who calls upon his exalted and holy name 1 Cl 64.—Pass. πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἐφʼ οὓς ἐπικέκληται τὸ ὄν. μου ἐπʼ αὐτούς Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12). τὸ καλὸν ὄν. τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς Js 2:7 (on καλὸν ὄν. cp. Sb 343, 9 and the Pompeian graffito in Dssm., LO 237 [LAE 276]). πάντες οἱ ἐπικαλούμενοι τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ all those who are called by (the Lord’s) name Hs 9, 14, 3; cp. οἱ κεκλημένοι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου those who are called by the name of the Lord 8, 1, 1. ἐπαισχύνεσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐπʼ αὐτούς be ashamed of the name that is named over them 8, 6, 4. ὁμολογεῖν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ praise his name Hb 13:15 (cp. PsSol 15:2 ἐξομολογήσασθαι τῷ ὀνόματι σου). ὀνομάζειν τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 2 Ti 2:19 (Is 26:13). ψάλλειν τῷ ὀν. σου Ro 15:9 (Ps 17:50). οὐ μὴ λάβῃς ἐπὶ ματαίῳ τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 19:5 (Ex 20:7; Dt 5:11).—Although in the preceding examples the name is oft. practically inseparable fr. the being that bears it, this is perh. even more true of the foll. cases, in which the name appears almost as the representation of the Godhead, as a tangible manifestation of the divine nature (Quint. Smyrn. 9, 465 Polidarius, when healing, calls on οὔνομα πατρὸς ἑοῖο ‘the name of his father’ [Asclepius]; τοσοῦτον … δύναται τὸ ὄ. τοῦ Ἰησοῦ κατὰ τῶν δαιμόνων Orig., C. Cels. 1, 56, 11; Dt 18:7; 3 Km 8:16; Ps 68:37; Zech 13:2 ἐξολεθρεύσω τὰ ὀν. τῶν εἰδώλων; Zeph 1:4; PsSol 7:6; Just., D. 121, 3 ὑποτάσσεσθαι αὐτοῦ ὀν.): the ‘name’ of God is ἀρχέγονον πάσης κτίσεως 1 Cl 59:3. Sim. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ μέγα ἐστὶ καὶ τὸν κόσμον ὅλον βαστάζει Hs 9, 14, 5. λατρεύειν τῷ παναρέτῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ worship the most excellent name (of the Most High) 1 Cl 45:7. ὑπακούειν τῷ παναγίῳ καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ be obedient to his most holy and glorious name 58:1a. ὑπήκοον γενέσθαι τῷ παντοκρατορικῷ καὶ παναρέτῳ ὀν. 60:4. κηρύσσειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ Hs 9, 16, 5. ἐπιγινώσκειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ 9, 16, 7. φοβεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. σου Rv 11:18. φανεροῦν τινι τὸ ὄν. σου J 17:6. γνωρίζειν τινὶ τὸ ὄν. σου vs. 26. πιστεύειν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ believe in the name of (God’s) son 1J 3:23. Also πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. (s. γב below and s. πιστεύω 2aβ).—Of the name borne by followers of Jesus Christ (cp. Theoph. Ant. 1, 1 [p. 58, 13]): κρατεῖς τὸ ὄν. μου you cling to my name Rv 2:13. The same mng. also holds for the expressions: λαμβάνειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Hs 9, 12, 4; 8; 9, 13, 2a; 7. τοῦ βαστάσαι τὸ ὄν. μου ἐνώπιον ἐθνῶν to bear my name before (the) Gentiles Ac 9:15. τὸ ὄν. ἡδέως βαστάζειν bear the name gladly Hs 8, 10, 3; cp. 9, 28, 5b. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ φορεῖν 9, 13, 3; 9, 14, 5f; 9, 15, 2; cp. 9, 13, 2b. Christians receive this name at their baptism: πρὶν φορέσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ νεκρός ἐστιν before a person bears the name of God’s Son (which is given the candidate at baptism), he is dead 9, 16, 3. Of dissemblers and false teachers ὄν. μὲν ἔχουσιν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πίστεως κενοί εἰσιν they have the (Christian) name, but are devoid of faith 9, 19, 2. Of Christians in appearance only ἐν ὑποκρίσει φέροντες τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου who bear the Lord’s name in pretense Pol 6:3. δόλῳ πονηρῷ τὸ ὄν. περιφέρειν carry the name about in wicked deceit (evidently of wandering preachers) IEph 7:1. τὸ ὄν. ἐπαισχύνονται τοῦ κυρίου αὐτῶν they are ashamed of their Lord’s name Hs 9, 21, 3. More fully: ἐπαισχύνονται τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ φορεῖν 9, 14, 6.

γ. used w. prepositions

א. w. διά and the gen. διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματός μου πιστεύειν PtK 3 p. 15 ln. 12; σωθῆναι διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἐνδόξου ὀν. be saved through the great and glorious name Hv 4, 2, 4. εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ (τοῦ θεοῦ) Hs 9, 12, 5. ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν λαβεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ Ac 10:43 (cp. Just., D. 11, 4 al.). σημεῖα … γίνεσθαι διὰ τοῦ ὀν. … Ἰησοῦ by the power of the name 4:30. Differently παρακαλεῖν τινα διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου appeal to someone by the name (= while calling on the name) of the Lord 1 Cor 1:10.—W. διά and the acc. μισούμενοι … διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου hated on account of my name (i.e., because you bear it) Mt 10:22; 24:9; Mk 13:13; Lk 21:17 (Just., A I, 4, 2 al.). ποιεῖν τι εἴς τινα διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου J 15:21. ἀφέωνται ὑμῖν αἱ ἁμαρτίαι διὰ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ your sins are forgiven on account of (Jesus’) name 1J 2:12. βαστάζειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου bear (hardship) for my name’s sake Rv 2:3 (s. βαστάζω 2bβ). πάσχειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. (also w. a gen. like αὐτοῦ) Pol 8:2; Hv 3, 2, 1b; Hs 9, 28, 3.

ב. w. εἰς: somet. evidently as rendering of rabb. לְשֵׁם with regard to, in thinking of δέχεσθαί τινα εἰς ὄν. Ἰ. Χρ. receive someone in deference to Jesus Christ IRo 9:3. δύο ἢ τρεῖς συνηγμένοι εἰς τὸ ἐμὸν ὄν. two or three gathered and thinking of me, i.e., so that I am the reason for their assembling Mt 18:20; but here the other mng. (s. ג below) has had some influence: ‘while naming’ or ‘calling on my name’. τῆς ἀγάπης ἧς ἐνεδείξασθε εἰς τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (i.e. θεοῦ) Hb 6:10 is either the love that you have shown with regard to him, i.e. for his sake, or we have here the frequently attested formula of Hellenistic legal and commercial language (s. Mayser II/2 p. 415; Dssm. B 143ff, NB 25, LO 97f [BS 146f; 197; LAE 121]; Heitmüller, op. cit. 100ff; FPreisigke, Girowesen im griech. Ägypt. 1910, 149ff. On the LXX s. Heitmüller 110f; JPsichari, Essai sur le Grec de la Septante 1908, 202f): εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος to the name=to the account (over which the name stands). Then the deeds of love, although shown to humans, are dedicated to God.—The concept of dedication is also highly significant, in all probability, for the understanding of the expr. βαπτίζειν εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος. Through baptism εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τ. those who are baptized become the possession of and come under the dedicated protection of the one whose name they bear. An additional factor, to a degree, may be the sense of εἰς τὸ ὄν.=‘with mention of the name’ (cp. Herodian 2, 2, 10; 2, 13, 2 ὀμνύναι εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος; Cyranides p. 57, 1 εἰς ὄν. τινος; 60, 18=εἰς τὸ ὄν. τ.; 62, 13. Another ex. in Heitmüller 107): Mt 28:19; Ac 8:16; 19:5; D 7:1, (3); 9:5; Hv 3, 7, 3; cp. 1 Cor 1:13, 15. S. βαπτίζω 2c and Silva New, Beginn. I/5, ’33, 121–40.—πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος believe in the name of someone i.e. have confidence that the person’s name (rather in the sense of a title, cp. Phil 2:9) is rightfully borne and encodes what the person really is J 1:12; 2:23; 3:18; 1J 5:13.

ג. with ἐν: ἐν ὀνόματι of God or Jesus means in the great majority of cases with mention of the name, while naming or calling on the name (PsSol 11:8; JosAs 9:1; Just., D. 35, 2 al.; no corresponding use has been found in gener. Gk. lit.; but cp. ἐν ὀν. τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ὑψίστου θεοῦ Hippol., Ref. 9, 15, 6.—Heitmüller p. 13ff, esp. 44; 49). In many pass. it seems to be a formula. ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Mk 9:38; 16:17; Lk 9:49. τὰ δαιμόνια ὑποτάσσεται ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. σου the demons are subject to us at the mention of your name 10:17. ποιεῖν τι ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ac 4:7; cp. Col 3:17. Perh. J 10:25 (but s. below). ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ … οὗτος παρέστηκεν ὑγιής Ac 4:10. ὄν. … ἐν ᾧ δεῖ σωθῆναι ἡμᾶς vs. 12. παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. 16:18; cp. 2 Th 3:6; IPol 5:1. σοὶ λέγω ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ac 14:10 D. Peter, in performing a healing, says ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. περιπάτει 3:6 (s. Heitmüller 60). The elders are to anoint the sick w. oil ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου while calling on the name of the Lord Js 5:14.—Of prophets λαλεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. κυρίου 5:10. παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ speak out boldly in proclaiming the name of Jesus Ac 9:27f. βαπτίζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. be baptized or have oneself baptized while naming the name of Jesus Christ Ac 2:38 v.l.; 10:48. At a baptism ἐν ὀν. χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ AcPl Ha 3, 32. αἰτεῖν τὸν πατέρα ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (=Ἰησοῦ) ask the Father, using my name J 15:16; cp. 14:13, 14; 16:24, 26. W. the latter pass. belongs vs. 23 (ὁ πατὴρ) δώσει ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (the Father) will give you, when you mention my name. τὸ πνεῦμα ὸ̔ πέμψει ὁ πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου the Spirit, whom the Father will send when my name is used 14:26. To thank God ἐν ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. while naming the name of Jesus Christ Eph 5:20. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ πᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃ that when the name of Jesus is mentioned every knee should bow Phil 2:10. χαίρετε, υἱοί, ἐν ὀν. κυρίου greetings, my sons, as we call on the Lord’s name 1:1. ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου whoever comes, naming the Lord’s name (in order thereby to give evidence of being a Christian) D 12:1. ἀσπάζεσθαι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. greet, while naming the name of J. Chr. w. acc. of pers. or thing greeted IRo ins; ISm 12:2. Receive a congregation ἐν ὀν. θεοῦ IEph 1:3. συναχθῆναι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. meet and call on the name of the Lord Jesus=as a Christian congregation 1 Cor 5:4. μόνον ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. only (it is to be) while calling on the name of J. Chr. ISm 4:2.—Not far removed fr. these are the places where we render ἐν τῷ ὀν. with through or by the name (s. ἐν 4c); the effect brought about by the name is caused by its utterance ἀπελούσασθε, ἡγιάσθητε, ἐδικαιώθητε ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. Χρ. 1 Cor 6:11. ζωὴν ἔχειν ἐν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ (=Ἰησοῦ) J 20:31. τηρεῖν τινα ἐν τῷ ὀν. (θεοῦ) 17:11f.—ἐν τῷ ὀν. at the command (of), commissioned by ἔργα ποιεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός J 10:25 (but s. above). ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός 5:43a; in contrast ἔρχ. ἐν τῷ ὀν. τῷ ἰδίῳ vs. 43b. εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου 12:13 (Ps 117:26). The Ps-passage prob. has the same sense (despite Heitmüller 53f) in Mt 21:9; 23:39; Mk 11:9; Lk 13:35; 19:38.—OMerlier, Ὄνομα et ἐν ὀνόματι dans le quatr. Év.: RevÉtGr 47, ’34, 180–204; RBratcher, BT 14, ’63, 72–80.

ד. w. ἕνεκα (and the other forms of this word; s. ἕνεκα 1): of persecutions for one’s Christian faith ἀπάγεσθαι ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. μου Lk 21:12. πάσχειν or ὑποφέρειν εἵνεκα τοῦ ὀνόματος Hv 3, 1, 9; 3, 2, 1; Hs 9, 28, 5. ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. (τοῦ) κυρίου v 3, 5, 2; Hs 9, 28, 6. ἀφιέναι οἰκίας … ἕνεκεν τοῦ ἐμοῦ ὀν. for my name’s sake Mt 19:29. ἔκτισας τὰ πάντα ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. σου you created all things for your name’s sake, i.e. that God’s name might be praised for the benefits which the works of creation bring to humankind D 10:3.

ה. w. ἐπί and the dat.: ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τινος when someone’s name is mentioned or called upon, or mentioning someone’s name (LXX; En 10:2; Just., D. 39, 6; Ath. 23, 1; s. Heitmüller 19ff; 43ff; s. also 47ff; 52ff; 87ff) in the NT only of the name of Jesus, and only in the synoptics and Ac. ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου they will come using my name Mt 24:5; Mk 13:6; Lk 21:8. κηρύσσειν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν 24:47. λαλεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ to speak using this name Ac 4:17; 5:40. διδάσκειν 4:18; 5:28. ποιεῖν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου Mk 9:39. ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. σου ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Lk 9:49 v.l. ἐπὶ τῷ σῷ ὀν. τὰς θεραπείας ἐπετέλουν GJs 20:2 (codd.). Of the (spiritual) temple of God: οἰκοδομηθήσεται ναὸς θεοῦ ἐνδόξως ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. κυρίου the temple of God will be gloriously built with the use of the Lord’s name 16:6f, 8 (quot. of uncertain orig.). βαπτίζεσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. Ac 2:38. Baptism is also referred to in καλεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ receive a name when the name of God’s son is named Hs 9, 17, 4. The words δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου can also be classed here receive (a child) when my name is confessed, when I am called upon Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (s. Heitmüller 64); but s. also 3 below.—ἐπί w. acc.: πεποιθέναι ἐπὶ τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. have confidence in (the Lord’s) most sacred and majestic name 1 Cl 58:1b; ἐλπίζειν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄν. hope in the name (of the Lord) 16:8b.

ו. w. περί and the gen.: εὐαγγελίζεσθαι περὶ τοῦ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. bring the good news about the name of J. Chr. Ac 8:12.—(W. acc.: ἔχομεν δέος τὸ ὄ. τοῦ θεοῦ Orig., C. Cels. 4, 48, 34).

ז. w. πρός and acc.: πρὸς τὸ ὄν. Ἰησοῦ … πολλὰ ἐναντία πρᾶξαι do many things in opposing the name of Jesus Ac 26:9.

ח. w. ὑπέρ and gen.: ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. (Ἰησοῦ) ἀτιμασθῆναι Ac 5:41. πάσχειν 9:16; Hs 9, 28, 2. Cp. Ac 15:26; 21:13. The activity of the apostles takes place ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ to the honor of (Jesus’) name Ro 1:5. Cp. 3J 7. Of thankful praying at the Lord’s Supper εὐχαριστοῦμεν σοι … ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀν. σου, οὗ κατεσκήνωσας ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν we thank you … for your holy name, which you caused to dwell in our hearts D 10:2.

δ. ὄν. w. ref. to God or Christ not infreq. stands quite alone, simply the Name: Ac 5:41; Phil 2:9 (cp. Diod S 3, 61, 6); 3J 7; 2 Cl 13:1, 4; IEph 3:1; 7:1; IPhld 10:1; Hv 3, 2, 1; Hs 8, 10, 3; 9, 13, 2; 9, 28, 3; 5.

② a person (Phalaris, Ep. 128; POxy 1188, 8 [13 A.D.]; BGU 113, 11; Jos., Ant. 14, 22; other exx. in Dssm., NB 24f [BS 196f]; LXX) τὸ ποθητόν μοι ὄν. my dear friend: Alce ISm 13:2; IPol 8:3; Crocus IRo 10:1. Pl. (PThéad 41, 10; PSI 27, 22; Num 1:18 al.) people Ac 1:15; Rv 3:4. ὀνόματα ἀνθρώπων 11:13 (cp. Ael. Aristid. 50, 72 K.=26 p. 523 D.: ὀνόματα δέκα ἀνδρῶν). This is prob. the place for περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου about teaching and persons and (the) law Ac 18:15.

③ the classification under which one belongs, noted by a name or category, title, category (cp. Cass. Dio 38, 44; 42, 24 καὶ ὅτι πολλῷ πλείω ἔν τε τῷ σχήματι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ τῆς στρατηγίας ὢν καταπράξειν ἤλπιζε=he hoped to effect much more by taking advantage of his praetorial apparel and title; ins: Sb 7541, 5 [II A.D.] Νύμφη ὄνομʼ ἐστί σοι; POxy 37 I, 17 [49 A.D.] βούλεται ὀνόματι ἐλευθέρου τὸ σωμάτιον ἀπενέγκασθαι=she claims to have carried off the infant on the basis of its being free-born; Jos., Ant. 12, 154 φερνῆς ὀνόματι; 11, 40; Just., A II, 6, 4 καὶ ἀνθρώπου καὶ σωτῆρος ὄνομα. Other exx. in Heitmüller 50); the possibility of understanding ὄν. as category made it easier for Greeks to take over rabb. לְשֵׁם (s. 1dγב above) in the sense with regard to a particular characteristic, then simply with regard to, for the sake of ὁ δεχόμενος προφήτην εἰς ὄν. προφήτου whoever receives a prophet within the category ‘prophet’, i.e. because he is a prophet, as a prophet Mt 10:41a; cp. vss. 41b, 42.—ὸ̔ς ἂν ποτίσῃ ὑμᾶς ἐν ὀνόματι, ὄτι Χριστοῦ ἐστε whoever gives you a drink under the category that you belong to Christ, i.e. in your capacity as a follower of Christ Mk 9:41. εἰ ὀνειδίζεσθε ἐν ὀν. Χριστοῦ if you are reviled for the sake of Christ 1 Pt 4:14. δοξαζέτω τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ let the person praise God in this capacity (=ὡς Χριστιανός) vs. 16. δέδεμαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. I am imprisoned for the sake of the Name IEph 3:1.—δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου for my (name’s) sake Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (cp. Heitmüller 113. But s. 1dγה above).

④ recognition accorded a person on the basis of performance, (well-known) name, reputation, fame (Hom. et al.; 1 Ch 14:17; 1 Macc 8:12) φανερὸν ἐγένετο τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ his fame was widespread Mk 6:14. ὄν. ἔχειν (Pla., Apol. 38c, Ep. 2, 312c) w. ὅτι foll. have the reputation of Rv 3:1 perh. also 3:5 (s. 1bα; JFuller, JETS 26, ’83, 297–306).

⑤ name in terms of office held, office (POxy 58, 6) στασιαζουσῶν τ. φυλῶν, ὁποία αὐτῶν εἴη τῷ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι κεκοσμημένη when the tribes were quarreling as to which one of them was to be adorned with that glorious office 1 Cl 43:2. τὸ ὄν. τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς the office of supervision 44:1.—B. 1263f. OEANE IV 91–96 on Mesopotamian practices. Schmidt, Syn. I 113–24. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

καινός, ή, όν (Aeschyl., Hdt.+; ins, pap, LXX, TestSol; TestAbr A 7 p. 84, 27 [Stone p. 16]; Test12Patr; JosAs 14:13 and 15; Philo, Joseph., Just., Mel.) comp. καινότερος; prim. sense ‘new’.

① pert. to being in existence for a relatively short time, new, unused (X., Hell. 3, 4, 28; PGM 36, 265; Judg 15:13; 2 Km 6:3; 4 Km 2:20) ἀσκοί wineskins (Josh 9:13) Mt 9:17; Mk 2:22; Lk 5:38. ἱμάτιον (Artem. 2, 3 p. 86, 3; 3 Km 11:29f) vs. 36. μνημεῖον Mt 27:60; J 19:41 (w. ἐν ᾧ οὐδέπω οὐδεὶς ἦν τεθειμένος added). τὸ κ. the new piece=πλήρωμα Mk 2:21; Lk 5:36. καινὰ καὶ παλαιά Mt 13:52 (perh. with ref. to coins; cp. PGrenf II, 74, 9; 77, 7f).

② pert. to being not previously present, unknown, strange, remarkable, also w. the connotation of the marvelous or unheard-of (Pla., Apol. 24c; X., Mem. 1, 1, 1 ἕτερα καὶ καινὰ δαιμόνια; Just., A I, 15, 9; Orig., C. Cels. 1 58, 15) διδαχή Mk 1:27; Ac 17:19. ἐντολή (κ. νόμος: Menand., Fgm. 238, 3 Kö.; Diod S 13, 34, 6) J 13:34; 1J 2:7f (Polyaenus 2, 1, 13 οὐ καινοὺς νόμους … ἀλλὰ τ. παλαιούς); 2J 5. ὄνομα (Is 62:2; 65:15) Rv 2:17 (here w. ὸ̔ οὐδεὶς οἶδεν εἰ μὴ ὁ λαμβάνων, perh. as antidote to adversarial magic); 3:12. ᾠδή 5:9 (Ps 143:9; cp. Is 42:10; Ps 32:3; 39:4.—Philo, Vi. Cont. 80 ὕμνος κ. [opp. ἀρχαῖος]); 14:3. γλῶσσαι Mk 16:17. κ. γένος of Christians Dg 1. θεώρημα AcPl Ox 6, 1f (διήγημα Aa I, 241, 11). θέαμα GJs 19:2f (Mel., P. 19, 127). Christ as ὁ κ. ἄνθρωπος the new kind of human being IEph 20:1. ἢ λέγειν τι ἢ ἀκούειν τι καινότερον either to hear or to say someth. quite new (=‘the latest thing’) Ac 17:21 (s. Kühner-G. II 306f; Norden, Agn. Th. 333ff [but s. HAlmqvist, Plutarch u. d. NT ’46, 79f, w. ref. to Plut.]; B-D-F §244, 2; Rdm. 70 and s. Demosth. 4, 10 ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι … λέγεταί τι καινόν; γένοιτʼ ἄν τι καινότερον … ; also Theophr., Char. 8, 2; BGU 821, 6 [II A.D.] ὅταν ᾖ τι καινότερον, εὐθέως σοι δηλώσω; Simplicius, Coroll. De Tempore, in Aristot., Phys. p. 788, 36ff καινοτέραν ἐβάδισεν ὁδόν=he traveled a rather new road [of interpretation]; Jos., Ant. 14, 104; Iren. 1, 18, 1 [Harv. I 169, 3]).

③ pert. to that which is recent in contrast to someth. old, new

ⓐ w. no criticism of the old implied (Herodas 4, 57 καινὴ Ἀθηναίη; Lucian, M. Peregr. 12 κ. Σωκράτης): of the Son of God or Logos, who is old and new at the same time Hs 9, 12, 1ff; Dg 11:4.

ⓑ in the sense that what is old has become obsolete, and should be replaced by what is new. In such a case the new is, as a rule, superior in kind to the old ἡ κ. διαθήκη the new covenant or declaration (Jer 38:31; Just., D. 11, 4 al.; Did., Gen. 46, 4; 156, 5) Mt 26:28 v.l.; Mk 14:24 v.l.; Lk 22:20; 1 Cor 11:25; 2 Cor 3:6; Hb 8:8 (Jer 38:31), 13; 9:15. κ. νόμος (Timocles Com. [IV B.C.] Fgm. 32, 4 κατὰ τὸν νόμον τ. καινόν; Just., D. 12, 3; Mel., P. 7, 46) B 2:6. λαὸς κ. 5:7; 7:5; cp. 15:7.—Esp. in eschatol. usage κ. οὐρανοί, κ. γῆ (Is 65:17; 66:22) 2 Pt 3:13; Rv 21:1; Ἰερουσαλὴμ καινή vs. 2; 3:12. καινὰ πάντα ποιεῖν 21:5. καινὸν πίνειν τὸ γένημα τῆς ἀμπέλου Mt 26:29; Mk 14:25.—Of the renewing of a pers. who has been converted κ. ἄνθρωπος Eph 4:24; Dg 2:1. κ. κτίσις a new creature 2 Cor 5:17a; cp. 17b (Ps.-Pla., Axioch. 11 p. 370e ἐκ τῆς ἀσθενείας ἐμαυτὸν συνείλεγμαι καὶ γέγονα καινός=out of weakness I have brought myself together and become new; cp. Orig., C. Cels. 6, 67, 33); Gal 6:15; cp. B 16:8. All the Christians together appear as κ. ἄνθρωπος Eph 2:15.—RHarrisville, The Concept of Newness in the NT, ’60; GSchneider, Καινὴ Κτίσις (Paul and background), diss. Trier, ’59, Neuschöpfung oder Wiederkehr? ’61. Qumran: DSwanson, A Covenant Just Like Jacob’s, The Covenant of 11QT 29 and Jeremiah’s New Covenant: New Qumran Texts and Studies, ed. GBrooke/FMartínez ’94, 273–86.—B. 957. Schmidt, Syn. II 94–123. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. S. νεό.

ναός, οῦ, ὁ (Hom.+; s. B-D-F §44, 1; Mlt-H. 71; 121) a place or structure specifically associated with or set apart for a deity, who is frequently perceived to be using it as a dwelling, temple.

ⓐ of temples gener. (Diod S 5, 15, 2 θεῶν ναούς; Ar. 3:2; Just., A I, 9, 1; Hippol., Ref. 5, 26, 33) Ac 17:24. Specif. of temples: of replicas of the temple of Artemis at Ephesus 19:24 (Tat. 3:1); but here, near ἱερόν vs. 27 (cp. OGI 90, 34 [196 B.C.]; Sb 8745, 6 [pap 171/72 A.D.] ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Σοκνοβραίσεως ναὸς ξύλινος περικεχρυσωμένος. Likew. 8747, 5; 3 Macc 1:10; Philo, Leg. ad Gai. 139 ἱερὰ κ. ναοί, Decal. 7; Jos., Ant. 16, 106), ναός can be understood in the more restricted sense shrine, where the image of the goddess stood (so Hdt. et al.; Diod S 1, 97, 9; 20, 14, 3; UPZ 5, 27=6, 22 [163 B.C.], s. the editor’s note; BGU 1210, 191 ἐν παντὶ ἱερῷ, ὅπου ναός ἐστιν; 211; PErlang 21 [II A.D.]: APF 14, ’41, 100f, a shrine w. a ξόανον of Isis).

ⓑ of the temple at Jerusalem (3 Km 6:5, 17 al.; Jos., Ant. 8, 62ff; Just., D. 36, 6 al; SibOr 3, 575; 657; 702; Stephan. Byz. s.v. Σόλυμα: ὁ ναὸς ὁ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις.—ναός [νεώς] of Herod’s temple: Philo, In Flacc. 46, Leg. ad Gai. 278 al.; Jos., Bell. 5, 185; 207; 215, Ant. 15, 380; Orig., C. Cels. 1, 47, 11; Did., Gen. 135, 17; 192, 23; also of the entire temple precinct: Jos., Bell. 6, 293, C. Ap. 2, 119) Mt 23:17, 35; 27:5, 40; Mk 14:58 (on this saying s. RHoffmann, Heinrici Festschr. 1914, 130–39 and MGoguel, Congr. d’Hist. du Christ. I 1928, 117–36. More generally DPlooij, Jes. and the Temple: ET 42, ’31, 36–39); 15:29; Lk 1:21f; J 2:20; Ac 7:48 v.l.; Rv 11:2; 1 Cl 41:2; 16:1ff; GPt 7:26. ὁ ν. καὶ ὁ λαὸς Ἰσραήλ 16:5; οἱ ἱερεῖς τ. ναοῦ 7:3. τὸ καταπέτασμα τοῦ ναοῦ the curtain of the temple that separated the Holy of Holies fr. the holy place Mt 27:51; Mk 15:38; Lk 23:45; τ. κ. τ. ναοῦ τῆς Ἰερουσαλήμ GPt 5:20. τὰ παθνώματα τοῦ ναοῦ the paneled ceiling of the temple GJs 24:3. An oath by the temple Mt 23:16, 21. More fully ὁ ναὸς τοῦ θεοῦ (as ParJer 4:4; Jos., Ant. 15, 380; cp. Artem. 2, 26 νεὼς θεοῦ) Mt 26:61; 2 Th 2:4 (on this s. WWrede, Die Echtheit des 2 Th 1903, 96ff); Rv 11:1 (on the prophecy of the rescue of the temple fr. the general destruction cp. Jos., Bell. 6, 285). ὁ ναὸς τοῦ κυρίου Lk 1:9; cp. 1 Cl 23:5 (Mal 3:1). ναὸς κυρίου GJs (16 times), also τῷ ν. αὐτοῦ 23:1.

ⓒ of a heavenly sanctuary (cp. Ps 10:4; 17:7; Wsd 3:14 ν. κυρίου; Philo, Spec. Leg. 1, 66; TestLevi 5:1) of Rv: ὁ ναός 14:15; 15:6, 8ab; 16:1, 17. ὁ ναὸς αὐτοῦ (=τοῦ θεοῦ) 7:15; 11:19b. ὁ ναὸς ὁ ἐν τ. οὐρανῷ 14:17. ὁ ναὸς τοῦ θεοῦ ὁ ἐν τ. οὐρανῷ 11:19a. ὁ ναὸς τῆς σκηνῆς τ. μαρτυρίου ἐν τ. οὐρανῷ 15:5. S. also 3:12. Yet there will be no temple in the New Jerusalem 21:22a; God in person is the sanctuary of the eternal city vs. 22b.

ⓓ of a human body or part thereof, in imagery (Philo, Op. M. 136f of the σῶμα as the νεὼς ἱερὸς ψυχῆς; Tat. 15, 2).—Of the spirit-filled body of Christians, which is said to be a habitation of God, therefore a temple (Iren. 5, 9, 4 [PJena]; Hippol., Ref. 5, 19, 15; cp. Sextus 35), which is not to be contaminated by sinful indulgence (on Greco-Roman purity regulations for entry into temples, s. for example SIG 983 and note 3): τὸ σῶμα ὑμῶν ν. τοῦ ἐν ὑμῖν ἁγίου πνεύματός ἐστιν your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit (dwelling) within you 1 Cor 6:19. The habitation of the heart is a ν. ἅγιος τῷ κυρίῳ 6:15; cp. the development of this thought 16:6–10 (Pythagorean saying in HSchenkl, Wiener Stud 8, 1886, 273 no. 66 νεὼς θεοῦ σοφὸς νοῦς, ὸ̔ν ἀεὶ χρὴ παρασκευάζειν κ. κατακοσμεῖν εἰς παραδοχὴν θεοῦ. Cp. Sextus 46a; Synes., Dio 9 p. 49c νεὼς οὗτος [i.e., the νοῦς οἰκεῖος θεῷ=the Νοῦς is the real temple of God]). Of spirit-filled Christians γίνεσθαι ν. τέλειον τῷ θεῷ 4:11. φυλάσσειν τὴν σάρκα ὡς ν. θεοῦ 2 Cl 9:3; τηρεῖν τὴν σάρκα ὡς ν. θεοῦ IPhld 7:2. Hence individual Christians are called αὐτοῦ (=θεοῦ) ναοί IEph 15:3. Of a Christian congregation 1 Cor 3:16, 17ab; 2 Cor 6:16ab. αὔξει εἰς ναὸν ἅγιον ἐν κυρίῳ Eph 2:21. The Christians are λίθοι ναοῦ πατρός stones for the Father’s temple IEph 9:1. To place great emphasis on the oneness of the Christian community (which permits no division) Christians are challenged thus: πάντες ὡς εἰς ἕνα ναὸν συντρέχετε θεοῦ come together, all of you, as to one temple of God IMg 7:2.—(Cp.: ναοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ ὄντος τοῦ παντὸς κόσμου ‘the entire world is God’s temple’ Orig., C. Cels. 7, 44, 38).—S. ἱερόν b.—KBaltzer, HTR 58, ’65, 263–77 (Luke); BGärtner, The Temple and the Community in Qumran and in the NT ’65; RClements, God and Temple ’65 (OT).

ⓔ The uses in J 2:19, 20, 21 call for special attention. Jesus, standing in Jersualem’s temple exclaims, λύσατε τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον καὶ ἐν τρισίν ἡμέραις ἐγερῶ αὐτόν destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it (vs. 19), which some persons in the narrative understand as a ref. to the physical structure (vs. 20), but the narrator interprets it as a reference to the ναὸς τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ temple of his body (vs. 21) (AMDubarle, Le signe du Temple [J 2:19]: RB 48, ’39, 21–44; OCullmann, TZ 4, ’48, 367). Cp. the description of Christ’s body δικαιοσύνης ν. AcPlCor 2:17.—B. 1465. DELG. M-M. DLNT 1159–66. EDNT. TW. Sv.

οὐρανός, οῦ, ὁ 24:31 (Hom.+; ‘heaven’ in various senses)

① the portion or portions of the universe gener. distinguished from planet earth, heaven (so mostly in the sing.; s. B-D-F §141, 1)

ⓐ mentioned w. the earth

α. forming a unity w. it as the totality of creation (Pla., Euthyd. 296d οὐρανὸς καὶ γῆ; Gen 1:1; 14:19, 22; Tob 7:17 BA; Jdth 9:12; Bel 5; 1 Macc 2:37 al.; PsSol 8:7; ParJer 5:32; Just., D. 74, 1; PGM 13, 784 ὁ βασιλεύων τῶν οὐρανῶν κ. τῆς γῆς κ. πάντων τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐνδιατριβόντων; Orig., C. Cels. 6, 59, 6; Theoph. Ant. 1, 4 [p. 64, 13]) ὁ οὐρανὸς καὶ ἡ γῆ Mt 5:18; 11:25; 24:35; Mk 13:31; Lk 10:21; 16:17; 21:33; Ac 4:24; 14:15; 17:24 (on the absence of the art. s. B-D-F §253, 3); Rv 14:7; 20:11; Dg 3:4; AcPlCor 2:9; 19.

β. standing independently beside the earth or contrasted w. it: Mt 5:34f; Ac 7:49 (cp. on both Is 66:1). ἐν (τῷ) οὐρανῷ καὶ ἐπὶ (τῆς) γῆς Mt 6:10; 28:18; Lk 11:2 v.l.; Rv 5:13.—1 Cor 8:5; Rv 5:3; ISm 11:2. τὸ πρόσωπον τ. γῆς καὶ τ. οὐρανοῦ Lk 12:56. Cp. Hb 12:26 (Hg 2:6); Js 5:12.—τὰ ἔσχατα τ. γῆς as extreme contrast to heaven 1 Cl 28:3. By God’s creative word the heaven was fixed and the earth founded on the waters Hv 1, 3, 4. Neither heaven nor earth can be comprehended by human measure 16:2 (Is 40:12). On ἀπʼ ἄκρου γῆς ἕως ἄκρου οὐρανοῦ Mk 13:27 s. under ἄκρον. ὁ πρῶτος οὐρ. καὶ ἡ πρώτη γῆ will give way in the last times to the οὐρ. καινός and the γῆ καινή Rv 21:1 (cp. Is 65:17; 66:22).

ⓑ as firmament or sky over the earth; out of reach for humans Hm 11:18. Hence ἕως οὐρανοῦ (ApcEsdr 4:32) Mt 11:23; Lk 10:15 or εἰς τὸν οὐρ. Hv 4, 1, 5 as an expr. denoting a great height. Likew. ἀπὸ τ. γῆς ἕως τ. οὐρανοῦ 1 Cl 8:3 (scripture quot. of unknown origin); GPt 10:40 (for a transcendent being who walks on the earth and whose head touches the sky, s. Il. 4, 443). Since the heaven extends over the whole earth, ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. under (the) heaven = on earth, throughout the earth (Pla., Tim. 23c, Ep. 7, 326c; UPZ 106, 14 [99 B.C.]; Eccl 1:13; 3:1; Just., A II, 5, 2) Ac 2:5; 4:12; Col 1:23; Hs 9, 17, 4; m 12, 4, 2. ὑποκάτωθεν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ throughout the earth 1 Cl 53:3 (Dt 9:14). ἐκ τῆς (i.e. χώρας) ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. εἰς τὴν ὑπʼ οὐρανόν from one place on earth to another Lk 17:24 (cp. Dt 29:19; Bar 5:3; 2 Macc 2:18 ἐκ τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρ. εἰς τὸν ἅγιον τόπον).—In the last days there will appear τέρατα ἐν τ. οὐρανῷ ἄνω wonders in the heaven above Ac 2:19 (Jo 3:3 v.l.). σημεῖον ἐν τῷ οὐρ. Rv 12:1, 3 (cp. Diod S 2, 30, 1 τὰ ἐν οὐρανῷ γινόμενα=what takes place in the heavens; Ael. Aristid. 50, 56 K.=26 p. 519 D., where the statue of Asclepius from Pergamum appears ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ). The sky can even be rolled up; s. ἑλίσσω.—Rain falls fr. heaven (X., An. 4, 2, 2) and heaven is closed to bring about a drought Lk 4:25.—Rv 11:6; Js 5:18 (cp. 2 Ch 6:26; 7:13; Sir 48:3). Lightning also comes fr. heaven (Bacchylides 17, 55f ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ … ἀστραπάν [=Attic-ήν]) Lk 10:18. Likew. of other things that come down like rain to punish sinners: fire Lk 9:54 (cp. 4 Km 1:10; TestAbr A 10 p. 88, 14 [Stone p. 24]); Rv 20:9; fire and brimstone Lk 17:29 (cp. Gen 19:24); apocalyptic hail Rv 16:21; AcPl Ha 5, 7.

ⓒ as starry heaven IEph 19:2. τὰ ἄστρα τοῦ οὐρ. (cp. ἄστρον and s. Eur., Phoen. 1; Diod S 6, 2, 2 ἥλιον κ. σελήνην κ. τὰ ἄλλα ἄστρα τὰ κατʼ οὐρανόν; Ael. Aristid. 43, 13 K.=1 p. 5 D.; TestAbr A 1 p. 78, 1 [Stone p. 4]; JosAs 2:11) Hb 11:12. οἱ ἀστέρες τοῦ οὐρ. 1 Cl 32:2 (Gen 22:17); cp. 10:6 (Gen 15:5). In the time of tribulation at the end of the world the stars will fall fr. heaven Mt 24:29a; Mk 13:25a; Rv 6:13; 12:4. Cp. 8:10; 9:1. ἡ στρατιὰ τοῦ οὐρ. (s. οὐράνιος) the host of heaven, of the stars, which some Israelites illicitly worshipped Ac 7:42 (worship of the στρατιὰ τοῦ οὐρ. in enmity to Yahweh also Jer 7:18; 19:13; Zeph 1:5; 2 Ch 33:3, 5). These are also meant by the δυνάμεις τῶν οὐρανῶν Mt 24:29b; Lk 21:26; cp. Mk 13:25b (cp. δύναμις 4).

ⓓ as place of atmosphere (cp. TestAbr A 9 p. 87, 15 [Stone p. 22] εἰς τὴν αἰθέρα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ); clouds hover in it, the νεφέλαι τοῦ οὐρ. (s. νεφέλη) Mt 24:30b; 26:64; Mk 14:62; D 16:8. Likew. the birds, τὰ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ (Gen 1:26; Ps 8:9; Jdth 11:7; ParJer 7:3; cp. Bar 3:17) Mt 6:26; 8:20; 13:32; Mk 4:32; Lk 8:5; 9:58; Ac 10:12; 11:6; 6:12 (Gen 1:26), 18; Hs 9, 24, 1; GJs 3:2 codd.; 18:2 codd.—πυρράζει ὁ οὐρανός Mt 16:2, 3.—In connection w. τὸν σατανᾶν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ πεσόντα Lk 10:18 the atmosphere may well be thought of as an abode of evil spirits. On Satan as the ἄρχων τῆς ἐξουσίας τοῦ ἀέρος, s. ἀήρ. Cp. also the λεγόμενοι θεοὶ εἴτε ἐν οὐρ. εἴτε ἐπὶ γῆς 1 Cor 8:5. In any case Rv 12:7f speaks of the dragon and his angels as being in heaven.

ⓔ The concept of more than one heaven (the idea is Semitic; but s. FTorm, ZNW 33, ’34, 48–50, who refers to Anaximander and Aristot. Also Ps.-Apollod. 1, 6, 1, 2 ms. and Achilles Tat. 2, 36, 4 and 37, 2 ms. have οὐρανοί; Himerius, Or. 66 [=Or. 20], 4 οὐρανοί as the abode of the gods; also Hesychius Miles. [VI A.D.] c. 66 JFlach of the ‘godless heathen’ Tribonian.—Schlatter, Mt² p. 58 on 3:2: ‘The pl. οὐρανοί is found neither in Philo nor Joseph.’ Cp. PKatz, Philo’s Bible ’50, 141–46; Mussies 84) is also found in our lit. (s. 1aα; Theoph. Ant. 1, 4 [p. 64, 15]), but it is not always possible to decide with certainty just where the idea is really alive and where it simply survives in a formula (in J’s Gospel the pl. is entirely absent; Rv has it only 12:12 [fr. LXX]. Eph always has the pl. In others the sing. and pl. are interchanged for no apparent reason [cp. Hb 9:23 w. 24 or Hv 1, 1, 4 w. 1, 2, 1; also GPt 10:40f; Ps. 113:11 lines 1 and 2; TestAbr, TestJob, Just., Tat.]): the third heaven (cp. Ps.-Lucian, Philopatris 12 ἐς τρίτον οὐρανὸν ἀεροβατήσας [s. on ἀνακαινίζω and πνεῦμα 8]; PSI 29, 2ff [IV A.D.?] ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε τὸν καθήμενον ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ οὐρανῷ … ἐν τῷ β´ οὐρ. … ἐν τῷ γ´ οὐρ.; Simplicius, In Epict. p. 100, 13 Düb. ὀκτὼ οὐρανοί; TestLevi 3:3; GrBar 11:1 εἰς πέμπτον οὐ. Combination of the third heaven and paradise, GrBar 10:1ff; ApcMos 37. S. τρίτος 1a) 2 Cor 12:2 (s. JohJeremias, Der Gottesberg 1919, 41ff; Ltzm., Hdb.⁴ ’49, exc. on 2 Cor 12:3f [lit.]). ὑπεράνω πάντων τῶν οὐρανῶν Eph 4:10. τ. πάντα ἐν τ. οὐρανοῖς κ. ἐπὶ τ. γῆς Col 1:16; cp. vs. 20. ἔργα τ. χειρῶν σού εἰσιν οἱ οὐρ. Hb 1:10 (Ps 101:26).—4:14; 7:26; 2 Pt 3:5, 7, 10, 12f (of the heavens, their destruction in the final conflagration, and their replacement by the καινοὶ οὐρ.); 1 Cl 20:1; 33:3. τακήσονταί τινες τῶν οὐρανῶν 2 Cl 16:3.—S. also Lampe s.v. 2.—From the concept of various celestial levels a transition is readily made to

② transcendent abode, heaven (the pl. is preferred for this mng.: B-D-F §141, 1; Rob. 408)

ⓐ as the dwelling-place (or throne) of God (Sappho, Fgm. 56 D.² [=Campbell 54] of Eros; Solon 1, 22 D.³ of Zeus; Hom. Hymn to Aphrodite 291 [all three οὐρ. in the sing. as the seat of the gods]; Pla., Phdr. 246e ὁ μέγας ἐν οὐρανῷ Ζεύς; Ps.-Aristot., De Mundo 2, 2; 3, 4 ὁ οὐρ. as οἰκητήριον θεοῦ or θεῶν; Dio Chrys. 19[36], 22 θεῶν μακάρων κατʼ οὐρανόν; Artem. 2, 68 p. 159, 13 ὁ οὐρανὸς θεῶν ἐστὶν οἶκος; Ael. Aristid. 43, 14 K.=1 p. 5 D.; Maximus Tyr. 11, 11b; ins from Saïtaï in Lydia [δύναμις 5]; IAndrosIsis, Cyrene 8 p. 129.—On the OT: GWestphal, Jahwes Wohnstätten 1908, 214–73) Mt 23:22; Ac 7:55f; Hb 8:1; 16:2b (Is 66:1); Dg 10:7. ὁ θεὸς ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐρ. Hv 1, 1, 6 (cp. Tob 5:17 S). ὁ θεὸς τοῦ οὐρ. (Gen 24:3) Rv 11:13; 16:11. ὁ κύριος ἐν οὐρανοῖς Eph 6:9; cp. Col 4:1. ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν (μου, ἡμῶν) ὁ ἐν (τοῖς) οὐρ. (silver tablet fr. Amisos: ARW 12, 1909, 25 ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ μέγας ὁ ἐν οὐρανῷ καθήμενος) Mt 5:16, 45; 6:1, 9; 7:11, 21b; 10:33; 12:50; 16:17; 18:10b, 14, 19; Mk 11:25f; Lk 11:2 v.l.; D 8:2 (here the sing. ὁ ἐν τῷ οὐρ. Cp. PGM 12, 261 τῷ ἐν οὐρανῷ θεῷ). ὁ πατὴρ ὁ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ the Father who (gives) from heaven Lk 11:13 (Jos., Ant. 9, 73 ἐκχέαι τὸν θεὸν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ). God dwells in τὰ ὕψη τῶν οὐρ. 1 Cl 36:2. Therefore the one who prays looks up toward heaven: ἀναβλέπειν εἰς τὸν οὐρ. (s. ἀναβλέπω 1) Mt 14:19; Mk 6:41; 7:34; Lk 9:16; MPol 9:2; 14:1. ἀτενίσας εἰς τὸν οὐρ. εἶδεν δόξαν θεοῦ Ac 7:55; ἐπάρας τ. ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸν οὐρ. J 17:1.—The Spirit of God comes fr. (the open) heaven Mt 3:16; Mk 1:10; Lk 3:21; J 1:32; Ac 2:2(–4); 1 Pt 1:12; AcPlCor 2:5. The voice of God resounds fr. it (Maximus Tyr. 35, 7b Διὸς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ μέγα βοῶντος, the words follow) Mt 3:17; Mk 1:11; Lk 3:22; J 12:28; Ac 11:9; MPol 9:1 (cp. Just., D. 88, 8), and it is gener. the place where divine pronouncements originate Ac 11:5 and their end vs. 10. The ὀργὴ θεοῦ reveals itself fr. heaven Ro 1:18 (s. Jos., Bell. 1, 630 τὸν ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ δικαστήν). Also, a σημεῖον ἐκ (ἀπὸ) τοῦ οὐρ. is a sign given by God Mt 16:1; Mk 8:11; Lk 11:16; cp. 21:11.—Lampe s.v. 4.

ⓑ Christ is ἐξ οὐρανοῦ from heaven, of a heavenly nature 1 Cor 15:47 (s. ἄνθρωπος 1d. On this HKennedy, St. Paul and the Conception of the ‘Heavenly Man’: Exp. 8th ser., 7, 1913, 97–110; EGraham, CQR 113, ’32, 226) and has come down from heaven J 3:13b, 31; 6:38, 42, 50 (Ar. 15, 1 ἀπʼ οὐρανοῦ καταβάς; Mel., P. 66, 467 ἀφικόμενος ἐξ οὐρανῶν), as ὁ ἄρτος ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ (s. ἄρτος 2). Cp. Ro 10:6. He returned to heaven (τὴν ἔνσαρκον εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺ ἀνάληψιν Iren. 1, 10, 1 [Harv. I 91, 2]; on the ascension s. CHönn, Studien zur Geschichte der Hf. im klass. Altertum: Progr. Mannheim 1910; EPfister, Der Reliquienkult im Altertum II 1912, 480ff; HDiels, Himmels u. Höllenfahrten v. Homer bis Dante: NJklA 49, 1922, 239–53; RHolland, Zur Typik der Himmelfahrt: ARW 23, 1925, 207–20; JKroll, Gott u. Hölle ’32, 533 [ind.: Ascensus]; WMichaelis, Zur Überl. der Hf.s-geschichte: ThBl 4, 1925, 101–9; AFridrichsen, D. Hf. bei Lk: ibid. 6, 1927, 337–41; GBertram, Die Hf. Jesu vom Kreuz: Deissmann Festschr. 1927, 187–217 [UHolzmeister, ZKT 55, ’31, 44–82]; HSchlier, Christus u. d. Kirche im Eph 1930, 1ff; VLarrañaga, L’Ascension de Notre-Seigneur dans le NT ’38 [fr. Spanish]. S. also at ἀνάστασις 2 end, and διά A 2a) to live there in glory: Mk 16:19; Lk 24:51; Ac 1:10f (AZwiep, The Ascension of the Messiah in Lukan Christology ’97); 2:34; 7:55f; 9:3; 22:6; 1 Pt 3:22; 15:9. Christians await his return fr. heaven: Ac 1:11; Phil 3:20; 1 Th 1:10; 4:16; 2 Th 1:7 (Just., A I, 51, 8 al.).—When Messianic woes have come to an end, τότε φανήσεται τὸ σημεῖον τοῦ υἱοῦ τ. ἀνθρώπου ἐν οὐρανῷ then the sign of the Human One (who is) in heaven will appear; acc. to the context, the sign consists in this, that he appears visibly in heavenly glory Mt 24:30.—Lampe s.v. 10b.

ⓒ as the abode of angels (Gen 21:17; 22:11; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 8, 12; TestAbr A 4 p. 80, 34 [Stone p. 8]; ParJer 3:2; ApcMos 38; Just., D. 57, 2) Mt 18:10a; 22:30; 24:36; 28:2; Mk 12:25; 13:32; Lk 2:15; 22:43; J 1:51; Gal 1:8; Rv 10:1; 18:1; 19:14; 20:1. Cp. Eph 3:15.—Lampe s.v. 7.

ⓓ Christians who have died also dwell in heaven (cp. Dio Chrys. 23 [40], 35 οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ θείων κ. μακαρίων αἰώνιον τάξιν; Libanius, Or. 21 p. 459, 9 F. πόρρω τοῦ τὸν οὐρανὸν οἰκοῦντος χοροῦ; Oenomaus in Eus., PE 5, 33, 5; 12; Artem. 2, 68 p. 160, 25 τὰς ψυχὰς ἀπαλλαγείσας τῶν σωμάτων εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνιέναι τάχει χρωμένας ὑπερβάλλοντι; Himerius, Or. 8 [=23], 23: the daemon of the dead holds the σῶμα of the dead person, τὴν ψυχὴν ὁ οὐρανός; Quintus Smyrn. 7, 88; TestAbr A 20 p. 103, 26 [Stone p. 54]; TestJob 39:13; ApcEsdr 7:3). Their life, τὸ ἀληθῶς ἐν οὐρανῷ ζῆν, stands in strong contrast to the ὄντως θάνατος, that leads to the everlasting fire Dg 10:7b. Rhoda, who greets Hermas from heaven Hv 1, 1, 4, need not have died (s. MDibelius, Hdb. ad loc.), and still she shows us that heaven is open to the devout. Furthermore, the true citizenship of Christians is in heaven (Tat. 16, 1 τὴν ἐν οὐρανοῖς πορείαν; s. πολίτευμα) Phil 3:20; cp. Dg 5:9. Their names are enrolled in heaven (s. βίβλος 2) Lk 10:20; Hb 12:23. In heaven there await them their glorified body 2 Cor 5:1f, their reward Mt 5:12; Lk 6:23, their treasure Mt 6:20; Lk 12:33, the things they hoped for Col 1:5, their inheritance 1 Pt 1:4. It is a place of peace Lk 19:38.—ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ the New Jerusalem (s. Ἱεροσόλυμα 2) will come down to earth Rv 3:12; 21:2, 10.

ⓔ The concept of a heaven in which God, attendant spirits of God, and the righteous dead abide, makes it easy to understand the taking over of certain OT expressions in which heaven is personified εὐφραίνεσθε οἱ οὐρανοί (cp. Is 44:23; 49:13; Mel., P. 98, 747) Rv 12:12; cp. 18:20; 9:3 (Is 1:2); 11:2 (Jer 2:12); 1 Cl 27:7 (Ps 18:2).

③ an indirect reference to God, God fig. ext. of 2 (s. βασιλεία 1b.—A common Hebrew practice, but not unknown among polytheists: Philippides Com. [IV/III B.C.] 27 νὴ τὸν οὐρανόν. Acc. to Clem. Al., Protr. 5, 66, 4 Θεόφραστος πῇ μὲν οὐρανὸν, πῇ δὲ πνεῦμα τὸν θεὸν ὑπονοεῖ=Theophrastus at one time thinks of God as heaven and at another time as spirit; Appian, Hann. 56 §233 σημεῖα ἐκ Διός [ln. 14 Viereck-R.]=ἐξ οὐρανοῦ [ln. 16]; JosAs 19:2; SEG XXVIII, 1251, 3 [III/IV A.D.; s. New Docs 3, 49f]). ἁμαρτάνειν εἰς τὸν οὐρ. sin against God Lk 15:18, 21. ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ἢ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων Mt 21:25; Mk 11:30f; Lk 20:4f. βασιλεία τῶν οὐρ. (GrBar 11:2) in Mt=βασιλεία τοῦ θεοῦ 3:2; 4:17; 5:3, 10, 19f; 7:21; 8:11; 10:7; 11:11f; 13:11, 24, 31, 33, 44f, 47, 52; 16:19; 18:1, 3f, 23; 19:12, 14, 23; 20:1; 22:2; 23:13; 25:1: J 3:5 v.l.; AcPl Ha 8, 31 (restored)=BMM verso 3.—B. 53; 1484. DELG. M-M. DLNT 439–43. EDNT. TW. Sv.

συναγωγή, ῆς, ἡ (Thu. et al.; ins, pap, LXX, Just.). The term ς. is fluid, and its use as a loanword in Eng. in connection with cult suggests a technical usage that belies the extraordinary breadth of use of ς. Orig. in act. sense ‘a bringing together, assembling’, then in LXX and contemporary documents ‘a gathering’ or ‘place of assembly’.—For ins evidence relating to cultic usage s. ROster, NTS 39, ’93, 181 n. 14 (the principal corpora); for synonyms, p. 186; cp. New Docs 4, 202f.

① a place where someth. collects, gathering place of the basins in which water is gathered at the creation (Gen 1:9; cp. Jos., Ant. 15, 346 ς. ὑδάτων; Did., Gen. 25, 14 ς., ἣν καλεῖν εἰώθασιν ὠκεανόν) 1 Cl 20:6.

② a place of assembly (Cybeleins [Bilderatlas z. Religionsgesch. 9–11, 1926 p. xix no. 154] ἐν τῇ τοῦ Διὸς συναγωγῇ; s. New Docs 3, 43. Sb 4981, 6f [restored].—On συναγωγή as a room for meetings cp. συνέδρια of the meeting-houses of the Pythagoreans Polyb. 2, 39, 1).

ⓐ of the Jewish synagogue (it is used for a place of assembly for Jews in Philo, Omn. Prob. Lib. 81 [w. ref. to the Essenes]; Jos., Bell. 2, 285; 289; 7, 44, Ant. 19, 300; 305; CIG 9894; 9904; BCH 21, 1897 p. 47; Συναγωγὴ Ἑβραίων in Corinth [s. Κόρινθος, end], in Rome [CIG IV, 9909] and ILydiaKP III, 42 p. 32ff.—S. AvHarnack, Mission⁴ II 1924, p. 568, 2; GKittel, TLZ 69, ’44, 11f.—Orig., C. Cels. 6, 23, 3; Hippol., Ref. 9, 12, 7); people came to the συν. to worship God Mt 4:23; 6:2, 5; 9:35; 12:9; 13:54; Mk 1:39; 3:1; 6:2; Lk 4:15; 6:6; J 18:20. In the same buildings court was also held and punishment was inflicted: Mt 10:17; 23:34; Mk 13:9; Lk 12:11; 21:12; Ac 22:19; 26:11 (HKee, NTS 36, ’90, 1–24 perceives Acts as reading a post-70 situation into Paul’s career; rejoinder ROster, ibid 39, ’93, 178–208, with caution against reliance on mere transliteration of ς. and w. conclusion that Luke is not guilty of anachronism; response by Kee, ibid. 40, ’94, 281–83 [also 41, ’95, 481–500], w. observation that the inscription from the syngagogue of Theodotus in Jerusalem [s. Dssm. LO 378–80=LAE 439–41; Boffo, Iscrizioni no. 31] may well be no earlier than IV A.D.; for critique of Kee’s views s. also ESanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah, ’87, 341–43 notes 28 and 29. For early use in reference to a Jewish synagogue, s. New Docs 4, 202, IBerenike 16, 5 [55 A.D.] of a building, ln. 3 of members meeting in it). Synagogues are also mentioned as existing in Antioch in Pisidia 13:14; Athens 17:17; Berea vs. 10; Damascus 9:20; Ephesus 18:19 (GHorsley, The Inscriptions of Ephesus and the NT: NovT 34, ’92, 105–68); Capernaum Mk 1:21; Lk 4:33; 7:5; J 6:59 (HKohl and CWatzinger, Antike Synagogen in Galiläa 1916; HVincent, RB 30, 1921, 438ff; 532ff; GOrfali, Capharnaum et ses ruines 1922); Corinth Ac 18:4 (s. New Docs 3, 121); Ephesus 19:8; Nazareth Lk 4:16; Salamis on the island of Cyprus Ac 13:5; Thessalonica 17:1.—ESukenik, Ancient Synagogues in Palestine and Greece ’34.—On the building of synagogues by patrons s. TRajak, Benefactors in the Greco-Jewish Diaspora, in MHengel Festschr. I ’96, 307 n. 7 lit.—On the relationship betw. συναγωγή and προσευχή (q.v. 2) s. SKrauss, Synagogale Altertümer 1922, 11; Boffo, Iscrizioni 39–46; Pauly-W. 2d ser. IV ’32, 1284–1316; ERivkin, AHSilver Festschr. ’63, 350–54.—AGroenman, De Oorsprong der Joodsche Synagoge: NThT 8, 1919, 43–87; 137–88; HStrack, RE XIX 221–26; Elbogen² 444ff; 571ff; Billerb. IV, 115–52 (the Syn. as an institution), 153–88 (the Syn. services); GDalman, Jesus-Jeshua (tr. PLevertoff) 1929, 38–55; SSafrai, MStern et al., The Jewish People in the 1st Century II, ’77, 908–44; LLevine, The Second Temple Synagogue, The Formative Years: The Synagogue in Late Antiquity ’87, 7–31; Schürer II 423–63; III 138–49; s. also lit. cited by Oster, Kee, and Boffo above.

ⓑ an assembly-place for Judeo-Christians (Nazarenes) can also be meant in Js 2:2 (so LRost, PJ 29, ’33, 53–66, esp. 54f but s. 4 below). εἰς ς. πλήρη ἀνδρῶν Hm 11:14 (cp. the superscription on a Marcionite assembly-place near Damascus συναγωγὴ Μαρκιωνιστῶν [OGI 608, 1 fr. 318/19 A.D.]; Harnack, SBBerlAK 1915, 754ff). S. 5 below.

③ the members of a synagogue, (the congregation of a) synagogue (Just., D. 53, 4 al.; references for this usage in Schürer II 423f; III 81–86; EPeterson, Byz.-Neugriech. Jahrbücher 2, 1921, 208)

ⓐ of localized synagogues Ac 6:9 (Schürer II 428; cp. CIJ 683 [=Corpus Ins. Regni Bosporani ’65 no. 70], for translation and ill. see RMackennan, Bar 22/2, ’96, 47); 9:2.

ⓑ in a limited sense, of those who consider themselves Ἰουδαῖοι but are hostile to Christians (who also identify themselves as Ἰουδαῖοι whether Israelite by descent or believers from the nations—on the mixed composition of the followers of Jesus Christ s. Ac 13:43; ISm 1:2), and are called (instead of συναγωγὴ κυρίου: Num 16:3; 20:4; 27:17; Josh 22:16; Ps 73:2) συναγωγὴ τοῦ σατανᾶ synagogue of Satan Rv 2:9; 3:9 (cp. Just., D. 104, 1 ἡ ς. τῶν πονηρευομένων; s. 5 below).

④ a synagogal meeting, a meeting, gathering for worship, of the Judeans λυθείσης τῆς συναγωγῆς Ac 13:43 (s. λύω 3).—Transferred to meetings of Judeo-Christian congregations (cp. TestBenj 11:2, 3; Just., D. 63, 5; 124, 1; Theoph. Ant. 2, 14 [p. 136, 12]) ἐὰν εἰσέλθῃ εἰς συναγωγὴν ὑμῶν Js 2:2 (this is the preferred interpr.: HermvSoden, Ropes, Meinertz, FHauck; s. 2b above). συναγωγὴ ἀνδρῶν δικαίων Hm 11:9, 13, cp. 14. πυκνότερον συναγωγαὶ γινέσθωσαν meetings (of the congregation) should be held more often IPol 4:2. (συναγ. is also found outside Jewish and Christian circles for periodic meetings; s. the exx. in MDibelius, Jakobus 1921 p. 124, 1. Also Philo Bybl.: 790 Fgm. 4, 52 Jac. [in Eus., PE 1, 10, 52] Ζωροάστρης ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ συναγωγῇ τῶν Περσικῶν φησι; OGI 737, 1 [II B.C.] ς. ἐν τῷ Ἀπολλωνείῳ; PLond 2710 recto, 12: HTR 29, ’36, 40; 51.—Sb 8267, 3 [5 B.C.] honorary ins of a polytheistic ς.=association. W. ref. to the imperial cult BGU 1137, 2 [6 B.C.]. On the Christian use of the word s. also ADeissmann, Die Urgeschichte des Christentums im Lichte der Sprachforschung 1910, 35f).

⑤ a group of pers. who band together, freq. with hostile intent, band, gang ς. πονηρευομένων (Ps 21:17) B 5:13; 6:6; GJs 15:1 v.l. (for σύνοδος).—SSafrai, The Synagogue: CRINT I/2, 908–44; WSchrage, BHHW III 1906–10; Kl. Pauly V 451f.—S. ἀρχισυναγωγός and New Docs 4, 213–20. DELG s.v. ἄγω. EDNT. DLNT 1141–46. M-M. TW.